The Myth of the Napoleon Guitar

Introduction

Recently I’ve been doing some research upon the introduction of the guitar to Aus­tra­lia in the early nineteenth century. Comparatively little scholarly (or other) work has appeared on the subject and what has been done treats the early colonial period in a desultory manner.1The most recent research is Angelina Ellis, ‘The Classical Guitar in Aus­tra­lia: Foundations’, MA Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000; however, this largely is concerned with the mid-to-late twentieth century. A surviving Romantic-era guitar that possibly was brought to New South Wales c. 1824–33 has received periodic media attention over the years as it supposedly was owned by Napol­eon Bona­parte. As claimed in the video above published by the Museum of Sydney, the guitar purportedly was given to Napol­eon by his sister Pau­line Bor­ghese and then, during his final exile on St Helena, by Napol­eon to Lucia (Betsy) Bal­combe (after marriage Abell), who later lived in Sydney for some years.2In addition to the large body of Napol­eonic historiography, a substantial biography upon Betsy Abell was published in 2015: Anne White­head, Betsy and the Emperor, Sydney, 2015. Betsy’s relationship with Napol­eon also has been dealt with in historical fiction including Thomas Keneally’s 2015 novel Napol­eon’s last island, North Sydney, 2015. As we’ll see, this story is almost certainly apocryphal; however, the guitar does have some interesting history which tends to be ignored in the credulous attempts to link it to Napol­eon.

The instrument is now part of the Dame Mabel Brookes Family Records of Napol­eon collection held at a National Trust property named The Briars at Mount Martha, Vic­toria. Mabel Brookes (1890–1975) was Betsy Bal­combe’s great niece; traditional lands of the Boon Wurrung/Bururong people, The Briars pastoral run had been occupied in the mid 1840s by Betsy’s brother Alexander Bal­combe and was leased/owned by descendants until its acquisition by the Nat­ional Trust in the mid 1970s.3Mornington Peninsula Shire Council, The Briars Master Plan, 2020, pp. 9–10. This paper originally was published in 2021 but, as of early 2025, The Briars’ National Trust website indicates that the homestead currently is closed for conservation works.

Napol­eon And The Bal­combe Family

Following defeat at the Battle of Waterloo and surrender to the British, Napol­eon arrived at the isolated South Atlantic island of St Helena in Octo­ber 1815. Betsy Bal­combe (born c. 1802, died 1871) was the daughter of an East India Com­pany official and merchant resident on St Helena named Wil­liam Bal­combe who—to his surprise—was asked to host Napol­eon at his residence, The Briars, while another building, Long­wood, was readied for the erstwhile Emperor and his retinue. During Napol­eon’s two-month stay in a pavilion at The Briars he struck up a particular friendship with an impudent 13-year-old Betsy who, unlike her parents, could speak French reasonably well. In a striking coincidence, a decade earlier Napol­eon’s nemesis at Waterloo, Edward Wel­les­ley, the Duke of Wel­ling­ton, had lodged in the same pavilion.4Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, chs 3–9. For Wellington see Christopher Hibbert, Wellington: a personal history, London, 1998.

Napol­eon at St Helena. The two girls are believed to be Jane and Betsy Bal­combe. Source: State Library of New South Wales.

Wil­liam Bal­combe became provedore to Napol­eon’s establishment and his family continued to have social contact with them after Napol­eon moved to Long­wood House.5Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, ch. 19. Napol­eon likely was aware that Bal­combe was rumoured to be a natural son of the Prince Regent (later George IV).6Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 90–94. However, in early 1818 the Bal­combes had to leave St Helena, Wil­liam being suspected by the Gov­er­nor, Sir Hud­son Lowe, of aiding Napol­eon’s ongoing intrigues to escape his island prison; Betsy and her elder sister Jane even seem to have been under suspicion of facilitating clandestine correspondence following their final meeting with Napol­eon in 1818.7Wil­liam Forsyth, History of the captivity of Napol­eon at St. Helena, Vol. 1, New York, 1853, p. 602.

Wil­liam Bal­combe. Source: National Library of Aus­tra­lia.

Despite Bal­combe’s possible treachery—which was subject to high-level scrutiny at the Home Office—he managed to avoid legal repercussions. In fact, Wil­liam Bal­combe had a history of escaping punishment for serious matters: in 1803, he was court martialled for mutiny at sea without any seeming consequences; later, he appears to have smuggled contraband with impunity.8Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 192–93. As Ann Whitehead argues, it’s very unlikely that Bal­combe was the son of the Prince Regent; nonetheless, he was a protégé of Sir Th­omas Tyrwhitt, an adviser to both George III and the Prince, and this perhaps explains the political protection Bal­combe seemingly enjoyed.9Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 90–94. After five years of social, legal and financial limbo—including a period of residence in France—Bal­combe regained enough favour to be appointed inaugural Col­onial Treasu­rer of New South Wales.10Sydney Gazette, 29 April 1824, p. 3; see generally Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, part 2.

Undated portrait of Betsy Abell (née Balcombe). Source: State Library of New South Wales.

Things had not gone well for Betsy after she left St Helena: in 1822 she married Edward Abell but he soon left and Betsy and her infant daughter Eliz­abeth accompanied the rest of the family to Syd­ney in 1823–24 (Betsy’s sister Jane died during the voyage).11Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 285, 310. Supposedly, the guitar given to Betsy by Napol­eon arrived in Aus­tra­lia with the Bal­combes although there doesn’t seem to be any contemporaneous evidence to this effect. That said, it’s possible that a family member acquired the instrument during their stay in France (Betsy did not always live with her parents but Eliza­beth was born at Saint-Omer in late 1822).12Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 291–92. While Wil­liam continued to attract controversy in Syd­ney,13In the mid 1820s Bal­combe was accused of impropriety in dealings with the Bank of New South Wales leading to a rebuke from Governor Ralph Dar­ling and, eventually, his superiors in Lon­don. See Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 363–70. the Bal­combes lived at a house situated on the corner of O’Connell and Bent Streets, where they moved among the local elite.14Old Times, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1903, pp. 289–90; Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, chs. 30–32. Among their contemporaries were Fred­erick Hely, the recently appointed Prin­ci­pal Superin­ten­dent of Con­victs. Hely’s eldest daughter Mary (c. 1819–1901) is said to have been tutored by Betsy, who supposedly also gave Mary the guitar at some point. As we’ll see below, the instrument certainly was owned by some of Mary Hely’s family although the purported link with Betsy Bal­combe and Napol­eon is much less clear.

Despite accumulating a substantial amount of land in New South Wales, Wil­liam Bal­combe lived beyond his means and was heavily indebted when he died in March 1829.15By 1829, Wil­liam Bal­combe had been granted or purchased a total of about 6,500 acres of pastoral land at Bun­gonia and Molonglo; Betsy Abell was also granted 1,280 acres at Bun­gonia. Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 384–85. When the family’s household goods hastily were sold off the following month no musical instruments were mentioned in the quite detailed advertised inventory.16Sydney Gazette, 18 April 1829, p. 1. The Bal­combes had vacated the O’Connell Street residence by early June 1829. See Sydney Gazette, 4 June 1829, p. 2. If Betsy did tutor Mary Hely it may have been undertaken c. 1829–30 in order to gain some desperately needed income. Of course, the gift of a guitar supposedly owned by Napol­eon Bonaparte would seem rather generous in these circumstances. Initially, Wil­liam’s widow Jane reportedly was awarded a pension by the local colonial administration but this appears to have ceased by Sep­tem­ber 1829.17Aus­tra­lian, 9 September 1829, p. 2. In early 1831, Jane, Betsy and Eliz­abeth returned to Eng­land to plead for the reinstatement of a pension and/or further colonial land grants. After surviving a nightmarish voyage, Jane Bal­combe only managed to secure a gratuity of £250 and she, Betsy and Eliz­abeth returned to Syd­ney in 1833.18Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, p. 391; Viscount Goderich to Governor Bourke, 1 May 1833, Historical records of Aus­tra­lia, Series I, Vol. 16, Sydney, 1923, pp. 714–15. They appear to have lived briefly at Erskine Villa (now Erskine­ville). Sydney Gazette, 30 March 1833, p. 2; Currency Lad, 30 March 1833, p. 1; 6 April 1833, p. 2; New South Wales Government Gazette, 3 July 1833, p. 247. However, soon after arrival, Jane and Betsy were victims of a highway robbery (two men held them up, took some cash and their rings ‘and bade them a polite good morning’).19Sydney Herald, 30 May 1833, p. 3; Sydney Monitor, 1 June 1833, p. 2; Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, p. 393. Perhaps influenced by this experience, in March 1834 Jane, Betsy and Elizabeth returned to Eng­land for good (Jane Bal­combe’s three sons remained in Aus­tra­lia).20Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, p. 394; Sydney Gazette, 25 March 1834, p. 2; Times, 1 September 1834, p. 1.

Origins and Provenance

I wasn’t aware of the instrument when it was exhibited in Syd­ney in 2019 and, unfortunately, I haven’t yet had a chance to visit The Briars. However, published descriptions indicate that it was made by Flanbau l’Âiné of Paris (meaning Flan­bau senior’s eldest son).21Sydney Morning Herald, 3 October 1953, p. 14. Somewhat confusingly, surviving instruments with this explicit signature have been attributed to a Paris­ian violin maker named Pierre Flam­bau or Flambeau (presumably construed as spelling variations of Flanbau). In an early nineteenth-century French guitar-making context, Flan­bau was not a noted luthier and little appears to be known about him.22Albert Jacquot, La lutherie lorraine et française depuis ses origines jusqu’à nos jours, Paris, 1912, p. 96. However, in terms of external design and decorative features, the guitar seems typical of French spruce-topped and maple-bodied instruments built c. 1815–30.

One of the mysteries surrounding Flan­bau is the approximate period he built guitars and, unfortunately, he doesn’t appear to have recorded the year of construction upon the instrument. Of course, a pre-1818 origin needs to be asserted in order to fit the Napol­eon and Betsy Bal­combe story. However, as will be discussed further below, one ostensibly anachronistic element of the instrument’s extant fabric suggests that it may have been built after Napol­eon’s death in 1821.

When attempting to establish this guitar’s history it should be noted that various accounts published over the years typically contain obvious factual errors—and not just in relation to the rather fanciful notion that it was owned by Napol­eon. In addition to errors in newspaper reports, a scholarly catalogue of the Brookes Family Napol­eonic Collection reiterates misleading assertions made by Mabel Brookes (erroneously stating, for example, that the Flan­bau guitar was made in Italy).23Astrid Britt Krautschneider, ‘An examination and assessment of the Dame Mabel Brookes Family Records of Napol­eon’, MA Thesis, University of Melbourne, 2004, Vol. II, Collection Catalogue Numbers 267 (Guitar) and 268 (Guitar Case) (pp. 153–54); Mabel Brookes, St Helena story, London, 1960, p. 178. Lastly, it’s not clear whether the instrument has been subject to expert examination or analysis as part of its ongoing conservation (which obviously would be desirable given its supposed association with Napol­eon).

Evidence for the Flan­bau guitar’s nineteenth-century ownership relies upon Hely-Mann family lore seemingly first made public in Aus­tra­lia in 1917, when the instrument was donated by the Mann family of Green­wich, Syd­ney, for war fund raising efforts. The Syd­ney Eve­ning News noted:

Mrs. John Fell, of Northwood, has been presented to her, on behalf of the ‘War Chest Day,’ an absolutely authenticated Napol­eon guitar, presented by the French Emperor to Mrs. Abel, who afterwards gave it to her favourite pupil, Mary Hely, who became later the wife of the late Cap­tain Gother Kerr Mann. Mrs. Abel was formerly a Miss Bal­comb, and lived while a child with her father on St. Helena, where Napol­eon made a great pet of her, and gave her this special guitar, which had been presented to him by his sister Pau­line, and on which he himself always played. It was taken to Europe by the Strick­lands, and came into possession of Mrs. Swann, who recently returned it to the Misses Gother Kerr Mann, who have now kindly presented it to the ‘War Chest Day.’ … The instrument is of satin wood, inlaid with ivory and mother-of-pearl, made by the celebrated maker, Flamreau L’Aine, Paris, and dates back to the early part of the 17th century.24Evening News, 13 September 1917, p. 2.

Apart from the problem that there’s no credible evidence that Napol­eon played the guitar, it should be noted that it’s undoubtedly a Romantic-era instrument (rather than being built two centuries earlier, as wildly claimed in this and similar reports published in 1917!).

Gother and Mary Mann (née Hely) on the occasion of their 60th wedding anniversary in 1898. Source: State Library of New South Wales.

If we give more credence to the post-c. 1835 ownership chain outlined in the report (this information presumably was supplied by Mary Mann’s surviving daughters), the guitar appears to have remained in the extended Hely/Mann family until the Great War—but not always in Aus­tra­lia. Indeed, it may have travelled quite widely in the mid nineteenth century. The two additional surnames mentioned in the newspaper excerpt are not difficult to trace: Mary Hely’s younger sister Georg­ina in 1841 married an Irish-born army officer Edward Strick­land and their daughter Fanny in 1868 at Man­ches­ter married Per­ci­val Swann, rector of the York­shire parish of Brandsby from 1873 to his death in 1903.25Sydney Herald, 19 November 1841, p. 3; Pall Mall Gazette, 24 February 1868. Apart from active service in Crimea, after leaving Aus­tra­lia in the mid 1840s Edward Strickland served and resided in Malta, Tur­key, Greece, New Zea­land, South Africa and Ire­land before returning to Syd­ney in retirement and it’s possible that the guitar accompanied his family on some of his earlier Med­iter­ran­ean postings (their living arrangements aren’t yet clear although Georgina Strick­land died in Malta in 1876).26Evening News, 19 July 1889, p. 8; Freeman’s Journal, 20 July 1889, p. 15; Telegraph, 2 September 1876, p. 2. On this account, then, the Flan­bau guitar supposedly passed from Betsy Abell to Mary Hely, then to Mary’s sister Georgina, and then to her daughter Fanny Swann—who returned the instrument to her cousins the Manns in Sydney.

I’ve only found one prior published reference to the instrument—a note in the Times in January 1910 stating that it was to be sold by the London auction house Put­tick and Simp­son.27Times, 24 January 1910, p. 14. More generally see James Coover, ‘Puttick’s Auctions: Windows on the Retail Music Trade’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, Vol. 114, No. 1, 1989, pp. 56–68. We can be reasonably certain that this referred to the same instrument as the maker (‘Flan­reau l’Aine, Paris’) was identified, as was the ‘claimed’ connection to Napol­eon Bon­a­parte; a history of the guitar also ‘was attached to it’.28Times, 24 January 1910, p. 14. Unfortunately, the vendor wasn’t named and I haven’t yet located a record of sale (presumably, it was offered by Fanny Swann but not sold). When the guitar surfaced in Syd­ney in 1917 a local press report claimed that ‘the deposed Emperor … accompanied the gift with an autograph letter, which is still in the possession of the Misses Mann’.29Australasian, 15 September 1917, p. 498. The same account wrongly identified Mary Hely (not Betsy Bal­combe, who was unrelated) as ‘the daughter of an English officer who was on duty on St. Helena while Napol­eon was imprisoned there’; this supposed documentary evidence from Napol­eon himself—if it ever existed—likely was a fabrication.30Australasian, 15 September 1917, p. 498. As far as I can tell, it doesn’t seem to be among the catalogued documents now held in the Brookes Family Records of Napol­eon collection.

Margaret Fell, who won the guitar in 1917 was the wife of John Fell who established the Clyde Oil Refin­ery in Syd­ney.31‘Former Shell Site at Camelia’, City of Parramatta Research and Collections (Archives), accessed 1 November 2021. In passing, it’s worth noting that the instrument wasn’t mentioned in an illustrated 1924 Aus­tra­lian Builder article upon the Fells’ North­wood home and notable contents.32Aus­tra­lian Builder, April 1924, pp. 31–32, 47. Their son John had been an Assis­tant War Chest Com­mis­sioner (or fund administrator) during the early years of the Great War and this connection may explain (at least partly) Mar­garet’s interest in related fund raising; however, John junior died from the effects of an explosion at the Clyde works in 1927.33Sydney Morning Herald, 20 August 1927, p. 16. Reportedly, that same year the guitar was acquired by a North Syd­ney doctor named John Cap­pie Shand (senior).34Sydney Morning Herald, 29 September 1953, p. 4.  For Shand see also Grace Karskens, ‘Nah Doongh’s Song’, Aus­tra­lian Book Review, No. 413, 2019. Dr Shand died in 1939 and in 1953 the instrument was advertised for sale on behalf of his estate along with its ‘polished cedar case’ and ‘documents … that traced its history from the time it was given to Napol­eon by his sister Pauline’.35Nepean Times, 9 February 1939, p. 1; Sydney Morning Herald, 7 February 1939, p. 17; 29 September 1953, p. 4; 3 October 1953, p. 14.

Dame Mabel Brookes’s Ownership

Mabel and Norman Brookes in 1931. Source: National Library of Aus­tra­lia.

At auction the guitar was purchased for 100 guineas36In 2021 terms, about A$3,700 adjusted for inflation, according to the Reserve Bank of Aus­tra­lia’s online calculator. by Mabel Brookes.37Sun, 7 October 1953, p. 7. A Melbourne establishment doyenne and wife of champion tennis player, Sir Nor­man Brookes, Dame Mabel Brookes plainly was fascinated by her family connection to Napol­eon: in addition to accumulating the substantial collection now housed at The Briars she even purchased the original Briars property at St Helena in order to gift it to the French state in 1959 (the main house had been demolished but the pavilion where Bon­aparte and Wel­les­ley lodged had survived relatively intact, as it does today).38Canberra Times, 28 May 1959, p. 13; 5 June 1959, p. 5. Soon after, Mabel Brookes published a book upon Napol­eon’s exile on St Helena which reiterated earlier claims that the Flan­bau guitar had been acquired by Pauline Bor­ghese, sent to Napol­eon at St Helena, and then given to Betsy Bal­combe.39Brookes, St Helena story, p. 178.

The Flanbau guitar and case pictured c. 1953 after purchase by Mabel Brookes. Source: State Library of New South Wales.

In 1959 Mabel and Norman Brookes also let one of their Mel­bourne homes (‘Kur­neh’, in South Yarra) to actor Gre­gory Peck and his wife Véron­ique (pictured below) while Peck was filming Stan­ley Kramer’s On the Beach. French-born Véronique Peck reportedly was ‘intrigued’ by the ‘Napol­eonic bric-a-brac’ on display at ‘Kur­neh’ but the guitar had to be put away for safekeeping after Peck’s son Carey picked it up ‘and was about to strum it like a banjo’.40Aus­tra­lian Women’s Weekly, 19 February 1959, p. 7. Mabel Brookes later recalled that she

put a note in the case asking them not to touch the guitar because it belonged to Napol­eon. Well, they didn’t hurt it, but later I saw some pictures in a Hollywood magazine. And you know what? The pictures were of young Mr Peck playing Napol­eon’s guitar.41Bulletin, 13 July 1963, p. 15.

Apart from the photo above it’s not really clear what condition the instrument was in at this time. Its 1953 auction sale had been noted by Wil­fred Appleby in Guitar News. A reasonably influential figure in the burgeoning Eng­lish classical guitar scene, Appleby (1892–1987) stated ‘that some vandal had put steel strings on it so that the guitar is now quite unplayable—warped neck, top caved in and several of the ivory frets missing’.42Guitar News, No. 16, December 1953–January 1954, p. 1. Appleby’s source for this information is not revealed but his claim that the ‘maker was probably Fran­cois Fleury of Paris’ plainly was incorrect.43Guitar News, No. 16, December 1953–January 1954, p. 1. On the other hand, the c. 1953 photograph confirms the missing upper frets. The Museum of Syd­ney video indicates that these were still missing in 2019; the instrument also seems to have been subject to a rather crude repair at some point: the bridge appears to be screwed rather than glued to the top (see footage from 1:02–1:06). However, the guitar is now playable.

Problems With The Napol­eon Story

One of the main sources that Mabel Brookes and Betsy Abell’s biographer Anne White­head draw upon is Betsy’s memoir of her friendship with Napol­eon which was first published in England in serial form in 1843 (and then as a book in 1844).44Mrs (Lucia Eliz­abeth) Abell, Recollections of Napol­eon at St Helena, London, 1844. The third (1873) edition of Betsy’s memoirs, with some additional content written by her daughter Eliz­abeth, is included below and it will come as no surprise that Betsy doesn’t mention Napol­eon giving her a guitar (or either of them playing a guitar).

The latter issue (in general terms) has been touched upon in a couple of press reports published over the years (most of which tend to treat the Napol­eon story rather uncritically).45See, for example, Evening News, 9 October 1917, p. 4; Sydney Morning Herald, 8 August 2019. On Betsy’s account, when she first met Napol­eon in 1815 she sang for him and told him that she could play an unspecified instrument; at their last meeting in 1818 Napol­eon gave Betsy a handkerchief and a lock of his hair.46Abell, Recollections of the Emperor Napol­eon [1844 ed.], pp. 25, 229–31. On Whitehead’s account, after Betsy’s final return to Eng­land in 1834 she survived in genteel but straitened circumstances by giving piano lessons.47Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 394–95. The basic problem raised by Betsy’s quite detailed memoir is that had Napol­eon presented her with a guitar she almost certainly would have mentioned it (like she did the handkerchief and hair). Similarly, White­head’s well-researched biography makes no mention of Betsy or her family owning or playing a guitar at any point, ringing alarm bells for anyone interested in the veracity of the Napol­eon story. In my view, three additional issues suggest that it is fictitious.

Firstly, we can reject the notion that Napol­eon played the guitar—there doesn’t seem to be any primary source (or other credible) evidence to this effect, and we have a good deal of information about his private life as First Con­sul, Emperor and exile. Napol­eon certainly had an interest in music and sponsored various forms (particularly opera) after his ascent to French rule by coup d’état in late 1799.48For a rather dated discussion see J. -G. Prod’homme (Trans. Frederick H. Martens), ‘Napol­eon, music and musicians’, Musical Quarterly, Vol. 7, No. 4, 1921, pp. 579–605. Although Betsy Abell was a lifelong Bon­apar­tist, she recalled that Napol­eon was a very poor singer and this seems to have been the sum of his musical accomplishments.49Abell, Recollections of the Emperor Napol­eon, p. 37. The guitar had gained popularity in France since the mid eighteenth century,50See Andrew Britton, ‘The guitar in the Romantic period: its musical and social development, with special reference to Bristol and Bath’, PhD thesis, University of London, 2010, ch. 1. and it should be noted that both Napol­eon’s wives, Joséph­ine (1763–1814) and Marie-Louise (1791–1847) did play the instrument (at least for a time); however, Marie-Louise appears to have commenced tuition quite a few months after her final personal contact with Napol­eon in early 1814.51Ernest Knapton, Empress Josephine, Cambridge MA, 1982, pp. 30, 32; Erik Pierre Hofmann, ‘Un dono regale – Maria Luigia e la chitarra’, Il Fronimo, No. 177, 2017 (a translated version by the author can be found here: ‘A Royal Gift—Marie-Louise and the Guitar’, accessed 1 November 2021). While Napol­eon’s inability to play the guitar obviously does not preclude him receiving or making a gift of one, the extant fabric of the Flan­bau guitar casts doubt upon whether it was built during his lifetime.

As can clearly be seen in the Museum of Syd­ney video, this instrument is equipped with tuning machines. During the Roman­tic era tuning machines gradually replaced the wooden friction tuning pegs traditionally used on guitars; however, instruments equipped with tuning machines were very rare before the early 1820s.52James Westbrook, ‘Louis Panormo: the only maker of guitars in the Spanish style’, Early Music, Vol. 41, No. 4, 2013, p. 576; Christopher Page, ‘Being a guitarist in late Georgian England’, Early Music, Vol. 46, No. 1, 2018, p. 10. During that decade, they also tended to be English-made tuners fitted to English-made guitars rather than those of Con­tinen­tal Europe, where pegs continued to be used for many years (some Fla­menco guitars are still equipped with tuning pegs).53Westbrook, ‘Louis Panormo’, p. 576. A surviving early instrument made in London with original Rance tuning machines is the 1822 Panormo guitar held in the Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences in Sydney.

Of course, the Flan­bau guitar’s tuning machines may have been retrofitted at some point—this modification was being performed in Eng­land by members of the Pan­ormo family by about 1830.54Westbrook, ‘Louis Panormo’, p. 578. However, retrofitting the guitar’s extant tuners would necessarily have required the replacement of the original ‘Figure 8’ headstock (which, traditionally, mirrored the shape of the body and would not have been able to physically accommodate worm gear and roller tuners). It’s also difficult to imagine a relatively complex modification of this nature being undertaken in Syd­ney c. 1825–45 due to a lack of local instrument-making expertise. Even in a European context, we know little about the builder of this instrument—including basics such as when/where Flan­bau was born and died, the approximate period he was active, or whether he was Pierre Flam­bau (or Flam­beau). While further research hopefully will provide some answers in these respects, expert inspection of the instrument may be able to determine whether the headstock and tuning machines are original fabric or replacements. If they are original, the Flan­bau guitar very likely was built after Betsy Bal­combe’s last meeting with Napol­eon in 1818.

Lastly, this particular instrument is an unlikely candidate to have found its way into Napol­eon’s hands (in his pomp, or in either of his island prisons). While it happily has survived, the guitar is in truth a fairly nondescript instrument built by an obscure luthier. Flan­bau’s likely intended market was bourgeois women—not Emperors or their families. While the instrument’s mother of pearl purfling and rosette might seem relatively ornate when compared to a modern classical guitar, this type of decoration was typical of French guitars of the era, many of which were built at Mire­court (where the Flan­bau family appears to have originated).55Jacquot, La lutherie lorraine et française, p. 96. It’s certainly not clear why Pau­line Borghese—who resided in Rome from late 1815—would have acquired a journeyman instrument built some 1,500 kilometres away.56See generally Flora Fraser, Venus of empire: the life of Pauline Bonaparte, London 2009. Similarly, her supposed gift of the guitar to Napol­eon doesn’t really make sense in political or cultural terms: we’re talking about an exceedingly autocratic sphere where unquestioning loyalty, fawning indulgence and gross extravagance were the order of the day. In a Napol­eonic context, the Flan­bau guitar should be compared to the much more intricately decorated and unique Stauf­fer guitar made for Marie-Louise when she married Napol­eon in 1810 (this instrument seemingly was presented to her father, Austrian Emperor Fran­cis II).57Hofmann, ‘Maria Luigia e la chitarra’. For another guitar that possibly had an association with Marie-Louise see Paul Pleijsier, ‘Found: A Giuliani Guitar kept in a London bank since 1816′, Soundboard, Vol. 28, No. 2, 2001. Ultimately, it’s unlikely that Pau­line Borghese would have acquired the relatively modest Flan­bau guitar—and it’s even more unlikely that she (or anyone else) would have presented it as a gift to Napol­eon.

Another Supposed ‘Napol­eon’ Guitar

Before concluding, another guitar supposedly owned by Napol­eon came to public notice in Eng­land in the late 1930s. This instrument, said by one anonymous source to have been made by the noted French luthier René Lacôte (1785–1855),58Anon., ‘Memoirs of Madame Giulia Pelzer’, transcribed by Robert Coldwell, 4 May 2019, Digital Guitar Archive. was among a substantial collection of guitars owned by Fer­di­nand Pel­zer (1801–60) and his daughters Cathar­ina (1821–95) and Giu­lia (1838–1938). All were prominent teachers of the instrument in Eng­land (and Cathar­ina [after marriage known as Madame Sidney Prat­ten] a leading Victorian-era guitarist).59Frank Mott Harrison, Reminisces of Madame Sidney Pratten, Bournemouth, 1899; Sarah Clarke, ‘An instrument in comparative oblivion? Women and the guitar in Victorian London’, PhD thesis, The Open University, 2021, pp. 23–25. According to Giulia Pelzer, her father was given this guitar by a student named Bach[e]ville, a former officer under Napol­eon, who ‘recovered’ the instrument after Napol­eon’s fall.60Anon, ‘Memoirs of Madame Giulia Pelzer’. Once again, however, the notion that Napol­eon used the guitar to ‘play … his accompaniments when he sang to Josephine, in the hours snatched from war’ is ludicrous.61Anon., ‘Memoirs of Madame Giulia Pelzer’.

For a start, Lacôte did not begin selling his own guitars until about 1819–20—a number of years after Josephine’s death and Napol­eon’s exile to St Helena. Giulia Pelzer’s collection was sold at Sothe­by’s in 1938 and the instrument supposedly owned by Napol­eon was purchased for £6 by the music shop proprietor, musician and instrument maker Emile Grim­shaw (1888–1943).62Stewart Wil­liam Button, ‘The Guitar in England 1800–1924’, PhD thesis, University of Surrey, 1984, pp. 308–09. A few years later, Wil­fred Appleby considered buying this guitar, for which Grim­shaw was then asking £30.63Button, ‘The Guitar in England’, p. 309; Guitar News, No. 16, December 1953–January 1954, p. 1. This article originally was published in 2021 but in 2023 new information upon the instrument came to light: it also survives and recently was acquired by Jef­frey Wells, owner of the notable Austin-Marie Col­lec­tion (and I thank Jeff for bringing its current whereabouts to my attention).64Jeffrey Wells, personal communication, 7 August 2023. Note that the builder of the c. 1827 guitar has not been identified and it doesn’t appear to have any connection to René Lacôte.65Jeffrey Wells, ‘c. 1827 French Guitar’, Austin-Marie Collection website, accessed 24 March 2026.

Concluding Remarks

Despite its relatively humble origins, there’s little doubt that the Flan­bau guitar has had brushes with the rich and famous. However, these likely occurred during Mabel Brookes’s ownership rather than its decidedly murky early history. Mabel Brookes appears to have been heavily invested in the Napol­eonic myth surrounding the instrument which was well established by the time she bought it in 1953, and is plainly evident in her subsequent claims in St Helena story. Apart from Hely-Mann family lore, there doesn’t seem to be any contemporaneous evidence that even Betsy Abell owned the Flan­bau guitar—let alone Napol­eon or his sister. In political, geographical and material terms, the supposed link to Napol­eon seems very unlikely (and perhaps impossible in some respects). That said, if a Bal­combe family member did bring the guitar to New South Wales in 1824 (which is not completely out of the question), it would have been one of the first recorded six-string ‘Span­ish’ instruments in the colony (to date, I’ve only identified one earlier example, offered for sale in Syd­ney in late 1823).66Sydney Gazette, 24 December 1823, p. 4; 1 January 1824, p. 4. Unfortunately, the early history of the 1822 Pan­ormo guitar held in the Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences in Syd­ney is not known although a guitar by this noted maker was offered for sale in Sydney in 1828 (Aus­tra­lian, 15 August 1828, p. 2). Further research might uncover more of the Flan­bau guitar’s real history—as opposed to its rather colourful imagined past.

© 2021, Andrew Messner. All rights reserved.

Endnotes

  • 1
    The most recent research is Angelina Ellis, ‘The Classical Guitar in Aus­tra­lia: Foundations’, MA Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000; however, this largely is concerned with the mid-to-late twentieth century. ↩︎
  • 2
    In addition to the large body of Napol­eonic historiography, a substantial biography upon Betsy Abell was published in 2015: Anne White­head, Betsy and the Emperor, Sydney, 2015. Betsy’s relationship with Napol­eon also has been dealt with in historical fiction including Thomas Keneally’s 2015 novel Napol­eon’s last island, North Sydney, 2015. ↩︎
  • 3
    Mornington Peninsula Shire Council, The Briars Master Plan, 2020, pp. 9–10. ↩︎
  • 4
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, chs 3–9. For Wellington see Christopher Hibbert, Wellington: a personal history, London, 1998. ↩︎
  • 5
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, ch. 19. ↩︎
  • 6
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 90–94. ↩︎
  • 7
    Wil­liam Forsyth, History of the captivity of Napol­eon at St. Helena, Vol. 1, New York, 1853, p. 602. ↩︎
  • 8
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 192–93. ↩︎
  • 9
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 90–94. ↩︎
  • 10
    Sydney Gazette, 29 April 1824, p. 3; see generally Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, part 2. ↩︎
  • 11
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 285, 310. ↩︎
  • 12
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 291–92. ↩︎
  • 13
    In the mid 1820s Bal­combe was accused of impropriety in dealings with the Bank of New South Wales leading to a rebuke from Governor Ralph Dar­ling and, eventually, his superiors in Lon­don. See Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 363–70. ↩︎
  • 14
    Old Times, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1903, pp. 289–90; Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, chs. 30–32. ↩︎
  • 15
    By 1829, Wil­liam Bal­combe had been granted or purchased a total of about 6,500 acres of pastoral land at Bun­gonia and Molonglo; Betsy Abell was also granted 1,280 acres at Bun­gonia. Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 384–85. ↩︎
  • 16
    Sydney Gazette, 18 April 1829, p. 1. The Bal­combes had vacated the O’Connell Street residence by early June 1829. See Sydney Gazette, 4 June 1829, p. 2. ↩︎
  • 17
  • 18
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, p. 391; Viscount Goderich to Governor Bourke, 1 May 1833, Historical records of Aus­tra­lia, Series I, Vol. 16, Sydney, 1923, pp. 714–15. They appear to have lived briefly at Erskine Villa (now Erskine­ville). Sydney Gazette, 30 March 1833, p. 2; Currency Lad, 30 March 1833, p. 1; 6 April 1833, p. 2; New South Wales Government Gazette, 3 July 1833, p. 247. ↩︎
  • 19
    Sydney Herald, 30 May 1833, p. 3; Sydney Monitor, 1 June 1833, p. 2; Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, p. 393. ↩︎
  • 20
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, p. 394; Sydney Gazette, 25 March 1834, p. 2; Times, 1 September 1834, p. 1. ↩︎
  • 21
    Sydney Morning Herald, 3 October 1953, p. 14. ↩︎
  • 22
    Albert Jacquot, La lutherie lorraine et française depuis ses origines jusqu’à nos jours, Paris, 1912, p. 96. ↩︎
  • 23
    Astrid Britt Krautschneider, ‘An examination and assessment of the Dame Mabel Brookes Family Records of Napol­eon’, MA Thesis, University of Melbourne, 2004, Vol. II, Collection Catalogue Numbers 267 (Guitar) and 268 (Guitar Case) (pp. 153–54); Mabel Brookes, St Helena story, London, 1960, p. 178. ↩︎
  • 24
  • 25
    Sydney Herald, 19 November 1841, p. 3; Pall Mall Gazette, 24 February 1868. ↩︎
  • 26
    Evening News, 19 July 1889, p. 8; Freeman’s Journal, 20 July 1889, p. 15; Telegraph, 2 September 1876, p. 2. ↩︎
  • 27
    Times, 24 January 1910, p. 14. More generally see James Coover, ‘Puttick’s Auctions: Windows on the Retail Music Trade’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, Vol. 114, No. 1, 1989, pp. 56–68. ↩︎
  • 28
    Times, 24 January 1910, p. 14. ↩︎
  • 29
  • 30
  • 31
    ‘Former Shell Site at Camelia’, City of Parramatta Research and Collections (Archives), accessed 1 November 2021. ↩︎
  • 32
    Aus­tra­lian Builder, April 1924, pp. 31–32, 47. ↩︎
  • 33
    Sydney Morning Herald, 20 August 1927, p. 16. ↩︎
  • 34
    Sydney Morning Herald, 29 September 1953, p. 4.  For Shand see also Grace Karskens, ‘Nah Doongh’s Song’, Aus­tra­lian Book Review, No. 413, 2019. ↩︎
  • 35
  • 36
    In 2021 terms, about A$3,700 adjusted for inflation, according to the Reserve Bank of Aus­tra­lia’s online calculator. ↩︎
  • 37
  • 38
  • 39
    Brookes, St Helena story, p. 178. ↩︎
  • 40
    Aus­tra­lian Women’s Weekly, 19 February 1959, p. 7. ↩︎
  • 41
    Bulletin, 13 July 1963, p. 15. ↩︎
  • 42
    Guitar News, No. 16, December 1953–January 1954, p. 1. ↩︎
  • 43
    Guitar News, No. 16, December 1953–January 1954, p. 1. ↩︎
  • 44
    Mrs (Lucia Eliz­abeth) Abell, Recollections of Napol­eon at St Helena, London, 1844. ↩︎
  • 45
    See, for example, Evening News, 9 October 1917, p. 4; Sydney Morning Herald, 8 August 2019. ↩︎
  • 46
    Abell, Recollections of the Emperor Napol­eon [1844 ed.], pp. 25, 229–31. ↩︎
  • 47
    Whitehead, Betsy and the Emperor, pp. 394–95. ↩︎
  • 48
    For a rather dated discussion see J. -G. Prod’homme (Trans. Frederick H. Martens), ‘Napol­eon, music and musicians’, Musical Quarterly, Vol. 7, No. 4, 1921, pp. 579–605. ↩︎
  • 49
    Abell, Recollections of the Emperor Napol­eon, p. 37. ↩︎
  • 50
    See Andrew Britton, ‘The guitar in the Romantic period: its musical and social development, with special reference to Bristol and Bath’, PhD thesis, University of London, 2010, ch. 1. ↩︎
  • 51
    Ernest Knapton, Empress Josephine, Cambridge MA, 1982, pp. 30, 32; Erik Pierre Hofmann, ‘Un dono regale – Maria Luigia e la chitarra’, Il Fronimo, No. 177, 2017 (a translated version by the author can be found here: ‘A Royal Gift—Marie-Louise and the Guitar’, accessed 1 November 2021). ↩︎
  • 52
    James Westbrook, ‘Louis Panormo: the only maker of guitars in the Spanish style’, Early Music, Vol. 41, No. 4, 2013, p. 576; Christopher Page, ‘Being a guitarist in late Georgian England’, Early Music, Vol. 46, No. 1, 2018, p. 10. ↩︎
  • 53
    Westbrook, ‘Louis Panormo’, p. 576. ↩︎
  • 54
    Westbrook, ‘Louis Panormo’, p. 578. ↩︎
  • 55
    Jacquot, La lutherie lorraine et française, p. 96. ↩︎
  • 56
    See generally Flora Fraser, Venus of empire: the life of Pauline Bonaparte, London 2009. ↩︎
  • 57
    Hofmann, ‘Maria Luigia e la chitarra’. For another guitar that possibly had an association with Marie-Louise see Paul Pleijsier, ‘Found: A Giuliani Guitar kept in a London bank since 1816′, Soundboard, Vol. 28, No. 2, 2001. ↩︎
  • 58
    Anon., ‘Memoirs of Madame Giulia Pelzer’, transcribed by Robert Coldwell, 4 May 2019, Digital Guitar Archive. ↩︎
  • 59
    Frank Mott Harrison, Reminisces of Madame Sidney Pratten, Bournemouth, 1899; Sarah Clarke, ‘An instrument in comparative oblivion? Women and the guitar in Victorian London’, PhD thesis, The Open University, 2021, pp. 23–25. ↩︎
  • 60
    Anon, ‘Memoirs of Madame Giulia Pelzer’. ↩︎
  • 61
    Anon., ‘Memoirs of Madame Giulia Pelzer’. ↩︎
  • 62
    Stewart Wil­liam Button, ‘The Guitar in England 1800–1924’, PhD thesis, University of Surrey, 1984, pp. 308–09. ↩︎
  • 63
    Button, ‘The Guitar in England’, p. 309; Guitar News, No. 16, December 1953–January 1954, p. 1. ↩︎
  • 64
    Jeffrey Wells, personal communication, 7 August 2023. ↩︎
  • 65
    Jeffrey Wells, ‘c. 1827 French Guitar’, Austin-Marie Collection website, accessed 24 March 2026. ↩︎
  • 66
    Sydney Gazette, 24 December 1823, p. 4; 1 January 1824, p. 4. Unfortunately, the early history of the 1822 Pan­ormo guitar held in the Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences in Syd­ney is not known although a guitar by this noted maker was offered for sale in Sydney in 1828 (Aus­tra­lian, 15 August 1828, p. 2). ↩︎
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